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 2005 Ron Paul Chapter  128
 Not linked on Ron Pauls Congressional website.
 
 Congressional Record [.PDF]
 
 Foreign Policy 
 
17 December 2005
 
 The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.  
DENT). Under the Speakers announced  
policy of January 4, 2005, the gentleman  
from Texas (Mr. PAUL) is recognized  
for 60 minutes as the designee of  
the majority leader.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:1
 Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, our country faces major problems. No longer can  
they remain hidden from the American  
people. Most Americans are aware the  
Federal budget is in dismal shape.  
Whether it is Social Security, Medicare,  
Medicaid, or even the private pension  
system, most Americans realize  
we are in debt over our heads. The welfare  
state is unmanageable and severely  
overextended.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:2
 In spite of hopes that supposed reform would restore sound financing and  
provide for all the needs of the people,  
it is becoming more apparent every day  
that the entire system of entitlements  
  
is in a precarious state and may well  
collapse. It does not take a genius to  
realize that increasing the national  
debt by over $600 billion per year is not  
sustainable. Raising taxes to make up  
the shortfall is unacceptable, while  
continuing to print the money needed  
will only accelerate the erosion of the  
dollars value.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:3
 Our foreign policy is no less of a threat to us. Our worldwide military  
presence and our obsession with remaking  
the entire Middle East frighten  
a lot of people both here and abroad.  
Our role as world policeman and nation-  
builder places undue burdens on  
the American taxpayer. Our enormous  
overseas military expenditures, literally  
hundreds of billions of dollars,  
are a huge drain on the American economy.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:4
 All wars invite abuses of civil liberties at home, and this vague declaration  
of war against terrorism is worse  
than most in this regard. As our liberties  
here at home are diminished by  
the PATRIOT Act and national ID card  
legislation, we succumb to the temptation  
of all empires to spy on American  
citizens, neglect habeas corpus, employ  
torture tactics, and use secret  
imprisonments. These domestic and  
foreign policy trends reflect a morally  
bankrupt philosophy devoid of any concern  
for liberty and the rule of law.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:5
 The American people are becoming more aware of the serious crisis this  
country faces. Their deep concern is reflected  
in the current mood in Congress.  
The recent debate over Iraq  
shows the parties are now looking for  
someone to blame for the mess we are  
in. It is a high-stakes political game.  
The fact that a majority of both parties  
and their leadership endorsed the  
war and accept the same approach towards  
Syria and Iran does nothing to  
tone down the accusatory nature of the  
current blame game.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:6
 The argument in Washington is over tactics, quality of intelligence, war  
management, and diplomacy, except  
for the few who admit that tragic mistakes  
were made and now sincerely  
want to establish a new course for Iraq.  
Thank goodness for those who are willing  
to reassess and admit to those mistakes.  
Those of us who have opposed  
the war all along welcome them to the  
cause of peace.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:7
 If we hope to pursue a more sensible foreign policy, it is imperative that  
Congress face up to its explicit constitutional  
responsibility to declare  
war. It is easy to condemn the management  
of a war, one endorsed, while deferring  
to the final decision about  
whether to deploy the troops to the  
President. When Congress accepts and  
assumes its awesome responsibility to  
declare or not declare war as directed  
by the Constitution, fewer wars will be  
fought.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:8
 Sadly, the acrimonious blame game is motivated by the leadership of both  
parties for the purpose of gaining or retaining  
political power. It does not approach  
a true debate over the wisdom  
  
  
or lack thereof of foreign military  
interventionism and preemptive war.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:9
 Polls indicate ordinary Americans are becoming uneasy with our prolonged  
war in Iraq which has no end in  
sight. The fact that no one can define  
victory precisely, and most Americans  
see us staying in Iraq for years to  
come, contributes to the erosion of  
support for this war. Currently, 63 percent  
of Americans disapprove of the  
handling of the war, and 52 percent say  
it is time to come home. Forty-two  
percent say we need a foreign policy of  
minding our own business. This is very  
encouraging. The percentages are even  
higher for the Iraqis. Eighty-two percent  
want us to leave, and 67 percent  
claim they are less secure with our  
troops there.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:10
 Ironically, our involvement has produced an unusual agreement among the  
Kurds, Shiites, and Sunnis, the three  
factions at odds with each other. At  
the recent 22-member Arab League  
meeting in Cairo, the three groups  
agreed on one issue. They all want foreign  
troops to leave. At the end of the  
meeting, an explicit communique was  
released: We demand the withdrawal  
of foreign forces in accordance with a  
timetable and the establishment of a  
national and immediate program for  
rebuilding the armed forces that will  
allow them to guard Iraqs borders and  
get control of the security situation.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:11
 Since the administration is so enamored of democracy, why not have a national  
referendum in Iraq to see if the  
people want us to leave? After we left  
Lebanon in the 1980s, the Arab League  
was instrumental in brokering an end  
to that countrys 15-year civil war. Its  
chances of helping to stop the fighting  
in Iraq are far better than depending  
on the United Nations, NATO, or the  
United States.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:12
 This is a regional dispute that we stirred up, but cannot settle. The Arab  
League needs to assume a lot more responsibility  
for the mess that our invasion  
has caused. We need to get out of  
the way and let them solve their own  
problems. Remember, once we left Lebanon,  
suicide terrorism stopped and  
peace finally came. The same could  
happen in Iraq.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:13
 Everyone is talking about the downside of us leaving and the civil war that  
might erupt. Possibly so. But no one  
knows with certainty what will happen.  
There was no downside when we  
left Vietnam. But one thing for sure,  
after a painful decade of the 1960s, the  
killing stopped and no more Americans  
died once we left. We now trade with  
Vietnam and enjoy friendly relations  
with them. This was achieved through  
peaceful means, not military force.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:14
 The real question is how many more Americans must be sacrificed for a policy  
that is not working. Are we going  
to fight until we go broke and the  
American people are impoverished?  
Common sense tells us it is time to reassess  
the politics of military intervention  
and not just look for someone to  
blame for falling once again into the  
trap of a military quagmire.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:15
 The blame game is a political event designed to avoid the serious philosophic  
debate over our foreign policy of  
interventionism. The mistakes made  
by both parties in dragging us into an  
unwise war are obvious, but the effort  
to blame one group over the other confuses  
the real issue. Obviously, Congress  
failed to meet its constitutional  
obligation regarding war. Debate over  
prewar intelligence elicits charges of  
errors, lies, and complicity.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:16
 It is argued that those who are now critical of the outcome are just as  
much at fault since they too accepted  
flawed intelligence when in deciding to  
support the war. This charge is leveled  
at previous administrations, foreign  
governments, Members of Congress,  
and the United Nations, all who made  
the same mistake of blindly accepting  
the pre-war intelligence.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:17
 But complicity, errors of judgment, and malice are hardly an excuse for  
such a serious commitment as a preemptive  
war against a nonexistent  
enemy. Both sides accepted the evidence  
supposedly justifying the war,  
evidence that was not credible. No  
weapons of mass destruction were  
found. Iraq had no military capabilities.  
Al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein  
were not allies. Remember, we were  
once allies of both Saddam Hussein and  
Osama bin Laden. And Saddam Hussein  
posed no threat whatsoever to the  
United States or his neighbors.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:18
 We hear constantly that we must continue the fight in Iraq and possibly  
in Iran and Syria because it is better to  
fight the terrorists over there than  
here. Merely repeating this justification,  
if it is based on a major analytical  
error, cannot make it so. All evidence  
shows that our presence in Iraq,  
Saudi Arabia, and other Muslim countries  
benefits al Qaeda in its recruiting  
efforts, especially in its search for suicide  
terrorists.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:19
 This one fact prompts a rare agreement among all religious and secular  
Muslim factions, namely, that the U.S.  
should leave all Arab lands. Denying  
this will not keep terrorists from attacking  
us. It will do the opposite. The  
fighting and terrorist attacks are happening  
overseas because of a publicly  
stated al Qaeda policy that they will go  
for soft targets: our allies, whose citizens  
object to the war, like Spain and  
Italy. They will attack Americans who  
are more exposed in Iraq.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:20
 It is a serious error to conclude that fighting them over there keeps them  
from fighting us over here or that we  
are winning the war against terrorism.  
As long as our occupation continues  
and American forces continue killing  
Muslims, the incentive to attack us  
will grow. It should not be hard to understand  
that the responsibility for violence  
in Iraq, even violence between  
Iraqis, is blamed on our occupation. It  
is more accurate to say the longer we  
fight them over there, the longer we  
will be threatened over here.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:21
 The final rhetorical refuge for those who defend the war not yet refuted is  
the dismissive statement that the  
world is better off without Saddam  
Hussein. It implies no one can question  
anything we have done because of this  
fact. Instead of an automatic concession,  
it should be legitimate, even if  
politically incorrect, to challenge this  
disarming assumption. No one has to  
like or defend Saddam Hussein to point  
out, we will not know whether the  
world is better off until we know exactly  
what will take Saddam Husseins  
place. This argument was never used to  
justify removing murderous dictators  
with much more notoriety than Saddam  
Hussein such as our ally Stalin,  
Pol Pot whom we helped to get into  
power, or Mao Tse Tung. Certainly the  
Soviets, with their bloody history and  
thousands of nuclear weapons aimed at  
us, were many times over greater a  
threat to us than Saddam Hussein ever  
was. If containment worked with the  
Soviets and the Chinese, why is it assumed  
without question that deposing  
Saddam Hussein is obviously and without  
question a better approach for us  
than containment?
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:22
 The we are all better off without Saddam Hussein cliche does not address  
the question of whether the 2,100-  
plus American troops killed or the  
20,000 wounded and sick troops are better  
off. We refuse to acknowledge the  
hatred generated by the deaths of tens  
of thousands of Iraqi citizens who are  
written off as collateral damage. Are  
the Middle East and Israel better off  
with the turmoil our occupation has  
generated? Hardly. Honesty would have  
us conclude that conditions in the Middle  
East are worse since the war started.  
The killing never stops, and the  
cost is more than we can bear both in  
lives and limbs lost and dollars spent.  
In spite of the potential problems that  
may or may not come from our withdrawal,  
the greater mistake was going  
in in the first place.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:23
 We need to think more about how to avoid these military encounters rather  
than dwelling on the complications  
that result when we meddle in the affairs  
of others with no moral or legal  
authority to do so. We need less blame  
game and more reflection about the  
root cause of our aggressive foreign  
policy. By limiting the debate to technical  
points over intelligence, strategy,  
the number of troops and how to get  
out of the mess, we ignore our continued  
policy of sanctions, threats and intimidation  
of Iraqi neighbors, Iran and  
Syria. Even as Congress pretends to  
argue about how or when we might  
come home, leaders from both parties  
continue to support the policy of  
spreading the war by precipitating a  
crisis with these two countries. The  
likelihood of agreeing about who deliberately  
or innocently misled Congress,  
the media and the American people is  
virtually nil. Maybe historians at a  
later date will sort out the whole mess.  
The debate over tactics and diplomacy  
  
  
will go on, but that only serves to distract  
from the important issue of policy.  
Few today in Congress are interested  
in changing from our current accepted  
policy of intervention to one of  
strategic independence. No nation  
building, no policing the world, no dangerous  
alliances. But the result of this  
latest military incursion into a foreign  
country should not be ignored. Those  
who dwell on pragmatic matters should  
pay close attention to the result so far.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:24
 Since March 2003, we have seen death and destruction, 2,100-plus Americans  
killed and nearly 20,000 sick and  
wounded, plus tens of thousands of  
Iraqis caught in the crossfire. A Shiite  
theocracy has been planted. A civil war  
has erupted. Irans arch nemesis, Saddam  
Hussein, has been removed. Osama  
bin Ladens arch nemesis, Saddam Hussein,  
has been removed. Al Qaeda now  
operates freely in Iraq, enjoying a fertile  
training field not previously available  
to them. Suicide terrorism spurred  
on by our occupation has significantly  
increased. Our military-industrial complex  
thrives in Iraq without competitive  
bids. True national defense and the  
voluntary Army have been undermined.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:25
 Personal liberty at home is under attack; assaults on free speech and privacy,  
national ID cards, the PATRIOT  
Act, National Security Letters, and  
challenges to habeas corpus all have  
been promoted.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:26
 Values have changed, with more Americans supporting torture and secret  
prisons. Domestic strife, as recently  
reflected in arguments over the  
war on the House floor, is on the upswing.  
Preemptive war has been codified  
and accepted as legitimate and  
necessary, a bleak policy for our future.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:27
 The Middle East is far more unstable, and oil supplies are less secure, not  
more. Historic relics of civilization  
protected for thousands of years were  
lost in the flash while oil wells were secured.  
U.S. credibility in the world has  
been severely damaged, and the national  
debt has increased enormously,  
and our dependence on China has increased  
significantly as our Federal  
Government borrows more and more  
money.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:28
 How many more years will it take for civilized people to realize that war has  
no economic or political value for the  
people who fight and pay for it? Wars  
are always started by governments,  
and individual soldiers on each side are  
conditioned to take up arms and travel  
great distances to shoot and kill individuals  
that never meant them harm.  
Both sides drive their people into a  
hysterical frenzy to overcome the natural  
instinct to live and let live. False  
patriotism is used to embarrass the  
good-hearted into succumbing to the  
wishes of the financial and other special  
interests who agitate for war. War  
reflects the weakness of a civilization  
that refuses to offer peace as an alternative.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:29
 This does not mean we should isolate ourselves from the world. On the contrary,  
we need more rather than less  
interaction with our world neighbors.  
We should encourage travel, foreign  
commerce, friendship and exchange of  
ideas. This would far surpass our misplaced  
effort to make the world like us  
through armed force. This can be  
achieved without increasing the power  
of the state or accepting the notion  
that some world government is needed  
to enforce the rules of exchange. Governments  
should get out of the way and  
let the individuals make their own decisions  
about how they want to relate  
to the world.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:30
 Defending our country against aggression is a very limited and proper  
function of government. Our military  
involvement in the world over the past  
60 years has not met this test, and we  
are paying the price.
 
 2005 Ron Paul 128:31
 A policy that endorses peace over war, trade over sanctions, courtesy  
over arrogance and liberty over coercion  
is in the tradition of the American  
Constitution and American idealism. It  
deserves consideration.
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