HON. RON PAUL OF TEXAS
BEFORE THE US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Statement on the Abuse of Prisoners in Iraq
May 6, 2004
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Mr. PAUL: Mr. Speaker, I rise in
opposition to this resolution as written. Like so many resolutions we
have seen
here on the Iraq war, this one is not at all what it purports to be.
Were this
really a resolution condemning abuse of prisoners and other detainees,
I doubt
anyone here would oppose it. Clearly the abuse and humiliation of those
in
custody is deplorable, and the pictures we have all seen over the past
week are
truly horrific.
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But
why are we
condemning a small group of low-level servicemembers when we do not yet
know the
full story? Why are we rushing to insert ourselves into an ongoing
investigation, pretending that we already know the conclusions when we
have yet
to even ask all the questions? As revolting as the pictures we have
seen are,
they are all we have to go by, and we are reacting to these pictures
alone. We
do not and cannot know the full story at this point, yet we jump to
condemn
those who have not even yet had the benefit of a trial. We appear to be
operating on the principle of guilty until proven innocent. It seems
convenient
and perhaps politically expedient to blame a small group of “bad
apples” for
what may well turn out to be something completely different – as the
continuously widening investigation increasingly suggests.
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Some
of the soldiers
in the photographs claim that their superior officers and the civilian
contractors in charge of the interrogations forced them to pose this
way. We
cannot say with certainty what took place in Iraq’s prisons based on a
few
photographs. We have heard that some of those soldiers put in charge of
prisons
in Iraq were woefully unprepared for the task at hand. We have heard
that they
were thrown into a terribly confusing, stressful, and dangerous
situation with
little training and little understanding of the rules and
responsibilities. What
additional stresses and psychological pressures were applied by those
in charge
of interrogations? We don’t know. Does this excuse what appears to be
reprehensible behavior? Not in the slightest, but it does suggest that
we need
to get all the facts before we draw conclusions. It is more than a
little
disturbing that this resolution does not even mention the scores of
civilian
contractors operating in these prisons at whom numerous fingers are
being
pointed as instigators of these activities. While these individuals
seem to
operate with impunity, this legislation before us all but convicts
without trial
those lowest in the chain of command.
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But
this resolution
is only partly about the alleged abuses of detainees in Iraq. Though
this is the
pretext for the legislation, this resolution is really just an
enthusiastic
endorsement of our nation-building activities in Iraq. This resolution
“expresses the continuing solidarity and support of the House of
Representatives…with the Iraqi people in building a viable Iraqi
government
and a secure nation.” Also this resolution praises the “mission to
rebuild
and rehabilitate a proud nation after liberating it…” At least the
resolution is honest in admitting that our current presence in Iraq is
nothing
more than a nation-building exercise.
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Further,
this
resolution explicitly endorses what is clearly a failed policy in Iraq.
I wonder
whether anyone remembers that we did not go to war against Iraq to
build a
better nation there, or to bring about “improvements in… water, sewage,
power, infrastructure, transportation, telecommunications, and food
security…” as this resolution touts. Nor did those who urged this war
claim
at the time that the goals were to “significantly improv[e]…food
availability, health service, and educational opportunities” in Iraq,
as this
legislation also references. No, the war was essential, they claimed,
to stop a
nation poised to use weapons of mass destruction to inflict unspeakable
harm
against the United States. Now historical revisionists are pointing out
how
wonderful our nation-building is going in Iraq, as if that justifies
the loss of
countless American and Iraqi civilian lives.
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This
resolution
decries the fact that the administration had not informed Congress of
these
abuses and that the administration has not kept Congress in the
information
loop. Yet, Congress made it clear to the administration from the very
beginning
that Congress wanted no responsibility for the war in Iraq. If Congress
wanted
to be kept in the loop it should have vigorously exercised its
responsibilities
from the very beginning. This means, first and foremost, that Congress
should
have voted on a declaration of war as required in the Constitution.
Congress,
after abrogating this responsibility in October 2002, now is
complaining that it
is in the dark. Indeed, who is to say that the legal ambiguity created
by the
Congressional refusal to declare war may not have contributed to the
notion that
detainees need not be treated in accordance with the Geneva Convention,
that
governs the treatment of prisoners during a time of war? Until Congress
takes up
its constitutional responsibilities, complaints that the administration
is not
sufficiently forthcoming with information ring hollow.
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This
resolution calls
on the administration to keep Congress better informed. But Congress
has the
power – and the obligation – to keep itself better informed! If
Congress is
truly interested in being informed, it should hold hearings –
exercising its
subpoena power if necessary. Depending on the administration to fulfill
what is
our own constitutional responsibility is once again passing the buck.
Isn’t
this what has gotten us into this trouble in the first place?