The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
the Speakers announced policy of January
7, 2003, the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. PAUL) is recognized for 60 minutes
as the designee of the majority leader.
2003 Ron Paul 111:1
Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I want to spend a little bit of time this
evening talking about the bill that we
spent 3 days debating. That is the $87
billion appropriations bill that we just
voted on and passed, not so much that
I want to rehash what we did during
these 3 days as much as to make a
point that we ought to be debating
something other than the technicality
of how to spend $87 billion of the taxpayers
money. And that has to do with
overall policy.
2003 Ron Paul 111:2
I think so rarely we deal with policy and we deal only with technicality and
accounting and an attempt made at
oversight. So I would like to spend a
little bit of time emphasizing a different
type of foreign policy that we
have become unaccustomed to. Because
there was an American foreign policy
once well known to us, to our country
and especially to our founders, a policy
of nonintervention. Today, and essentially
for a hundred years, we have
been following a policy of foreign intervention,
that is, that we assume more
than I believe we should overseas. And
I object to that because I see it as not
gaining a constitutional mandate as
well as I see it as being a great danger
to us both in the area of national defense,
national security, as well as the
economic dangers it presents.
2003 Ron Paul 111:3
The debate has ended, it is said, with this vote; but in many ways I think the
debate is only really getting started.
The debate has been going on a long
time dealing with Iraq.
2003 Ron Paul 111:4
It did not even start after 9–11. It is true within weeks after 9–11 the
Project for New American Century saw
this as an opportunity to bring forth
their suggestions that they had made
many years ago, and they have been
agitating forth for over 10 years, and
that is to go into Iraq; and they saw
this as an opportunity. But actually,
this debate has been going on even a
lot longer. Certainly since the first
Iraqi war in 1990 and the persistence of
our bombing of Iraq, as well as the embargo
and boycotts of Iraq served to do
a lot of internal damage to the Iraqi
people.
2003 Ron Paul 111:5
But the debate, instead of ending, I think is really just starting. Because
the vote today, although it was overwhelmingly
in support of the $87 billion,
I noticed a lot more people in the
Congress voted against the appropriations
reflecting probably the views of
many taxpayers in this country who
are very reluctant to spend this kind of
money overseas, especially if they perceive
what we are doing is not being
very productive. And not only do we
have to deal with whether or not what
we are doing is productive or not, but
the final analysis will be, can we afford
it?
2003 Ron Paul 111:6
It may be that the lack of affordability may bring us to our senses before
the logic of a foreign policy. That
might make more sense than what we
have been doing. Before the Iraqi war,
the 18 months, actually there was a
pretty strong debate here in the Congress.
Several of us, quite a few of us,
got to the floor and talked about the
potentiality of war and why we
thought it was a bad idea. My conclusion
in October of 2002, 6 months or so
before the invasion, was that we should
not go in to Iraq. And it was a deeply
held conviction, not only philosophically,
because of a strong belief I have
in nonintervention and the restraints
that are placed on us by the Constitution,
but also because I was convinced
that our national security was not
threatened by Saddam Hussein and
that 9–11 had nothing to do with Iraq
and Iraq had nothing to do with 9–11
nor Saddam Hussein. And I think the
events since that time have proven
that assumption to be correct.
2003 Ron Paul 111:7
There is no evidence that Saddam Hussein was capable of fighting or invading
anybody. There was no resistance
and he had been shooting at our
airplanes for over 12 years and never
hit one of them. To assume he was a
threat to the world was, I think, overblown.
Those are the reasons why I so
strongly objected to it.
2003 Ron Paul 111:8
Now, the argument goes that whether or not we supported the war at the beginning,
we should support the troops
now. The troops are there and if you
vote against the appropriations, it
means that you lack support for the
troops. Well, this is not true; and those
who argue that case know it is the
case, that it is not true because the
funding that is already in the pipeline
is certainly enough for several months
of leaving and coming home. And so
that argument just does not hold
water. And besides, if you really talk
to the troops, and now we are getting
so much more information from the
troops, if you ask them whether there
is somebody in the Congress that votes
to have them come home, whether that
indicates a lack of support for them, I
think you would get a very clear answer.
Probably a very large number, if
not all of them, would like to come
home tomorrow and they do not see a
lot of benefit by the sacrifices that are
being made over there. But I think if
the support for the war is weak, why
are we there? What drives us? And
what drives our foreign policy?
2003 Ron Paul 111:9
Basically, we have come to the acceptance, at least especially throughout
the 20th century, of accepting the
notion that we have some moral obligation
to make the world safe for democracy.
And we have heard so much
about this that we are over there to
spread democracy. Well, if you look to
the Constitution, there is no grant of
authority even to the Congress or to
the President that that should be a
goal. That does not mean that our values
should not be looked upon and
spread; but to be done through the
military and by force, that is an entirely
different story.
2003 Ron Paul 111:10
What we are involved here now with our intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan
and other places, we are involved
in nation-building. And nobody in this
country campaigns, whether it is for
the Presidency or for a congressional
seat or a Senate seat, nobody goes out
and says, Elect me to Congress because
I want to get into the business of nation-
building. Nobody does that and
yet really that is what we are talking
about today.
2003 Ron Paul 111:11
We are very much involved in nationbuilding in Afghanistan, and the successes
there are very shaky. We probably
occupy one city and not much
more. And everybody reads daily about
the shakiness of our occupation of Iraq.
And we are very much involved in internal
affairs of other nations, the kind
of thing our founders said do not get
involved in. Do not get involved in the
internal affairs of other nations. Stay
out of entangling alliances. And we are
very much involved. The entangling alliance
that I had the strongest objection
to is the entangling alliance with
the United Nations.
2003 Ron Paul 111:12
So although it was seen by the world that we went into Iraq by defying the
United Nations, if anybody would like
to check and go back and look at the
authorization for the use of force which
was a transfer, illegal transfer of power
to the President to pursue war, the
United Nations was cited 16 times.
There was a need to enforce the United
Nations resolution. That was the justification
for the Congress to transfer
this power to the President in allowing
him to make his own decision.
2003 Ron Paul 111:13
Well, that is technically flaunting the Constitution and that the proper
method for us going to war is for the
Congress to declare war, and then, of
course, go out and win the war. But the
authority comes from the people to the
Congress and the Congress cannot
transfer this power and this decisionmaking
to the President under a majority
vote in the legislative body.
2003 Ron Paul 111:14
There have been others, in particular the neo-conservatives who have been
very influential in foreign policy the
last several years and who have been
associated with the Project for a New
American Century. They have been explicit
in their goals. And one of their
explicit goals has been to redraw the
lines of the Middle East and to have
preemptive regime change. These are
serious beliefs that they have; and everybody
has a right to their beliefs.
Their beliefs that we have this obligation
to remove regimes that we do not
like and to redraw lines and to spread
our way of life and our democracy by
the use of force, they sincerely hold
those beliefs; and I sincerely disagree
with them.
2003 Ron Paul 111:15
But I believe that the Constitution is on my side and not on their side. And
when we do what they want and what
we have done and have been doing, it is
dangerous. It is dangerous to our security.
It is dangerous to our financial
situation and our economy. And it is a
tremendous drain on so many taxpayers
here trying to struggle and
make a living.
2003 Ron Paul 111:16
There are others who influence our policy, and it is not the conspiracy
buffs that had coined the phrase the
military industrial complex. And everybody
knows where that phrase came
from. But it is alive and well. Believe
me, it is alive and well. There is a tremendous
amount of influence by those
who make profits, refurbishing the
weapons they get, rebuilding the
bombs, rebuilding the airplanes and
lining up at the trough to see how they
will get to participate in this $87 billion
that has just been recently appropriated.
2003 Ron Paul 111:17
This is one of the reasons why I think the debate just in these last couple of
days on whether or not the money
would be a loan or a grant really did
not have a whole lot of merit. I happen
to have supported all the amendments
that said it should be a loan, not a
grant, but it does not make a bit of difference
because the likelihood of a
country like Iraq, that does not have a
government, being able to make a
promise and then pay us back, we generally
never get paid back anything. So
that to me was a red-herring argument
that was sort of one of the tactical or
accounting arguments that occupied a
tremendous amount of time here by
avoiding the bigger issue on whether or
not it is a proper role for the United
States to be telling the rest of the
world how to live and it is our obligation
to nation-build and our obligation
to redraw the lines of the Middle East.
That is the bigger question, and this is
the debate I hope to hear that we have
on this floor some day.
2003 Ron Paul 111:18
The policy of interventionism, I think it is dangerous as instead of reducing
the odds of a terrorist attack, I
believe it increases the odds of a terrorist
attack. When I see us occupying
Saudi Arabia, having an air base on
land which is considered holy land, occupying
the Persian Gulf that has a lot
of oil, and it has been said we are there
to protect our oil, that it would be
equivalent to the Chinese coming in to
the Gulf of Mexico and saying we do
not have enough oil. And if they happen
to be stronger and that they could
come over and say, well, we are more
powerful, we need imports, we are
going to protect our oil in the Gulf of
Mexico, we will have our Navy in the
Gulf of Mexico, and if we need to we
are going to put air bases in Florida
and Texas and wherever. And then if
the Chinese come in and say, well, your
way of life is not our way of life, and
we should teach you a better system,
that is what I see as being equivalent
to us being in the Persian Gulf occupying
the Arab lands, and especially,
now, Afghanistan and Iraq.
2003 Ron Paul 111:19
In other words, no matter how well-intended those individuals are who
drive our foreign policy and drive these
expenditures and drive our military
around the world, no matter how wellintended
under these circumstances, if
what I am saying is correct, there is no
way it is going to work, and the sooner
we admit it and the sooner we discover
it is not going to work, the better it is
for all of us and the less killing that is
going to occur.
2003 Ron Paul 111:20
So I am strongly suggesting that we here in the House someday get serious
about talking about the big picture,
the strategic picture, the philosophic
picture and the Constitution, deciding
what we really should be doing in our
foreign policy.
Some people say, well, it sounds to
me like what you are advocating is isolationism,
and nobody wants to be an
isolationist. When they throw that
term out, it is usually done there to
try to discredit those individuals, like
myself, who are arguing the case for
nonintervention. Isolationism is quite
a bit different. Isolationism is those
who want to put barriers on trade and
travel in exchange of ideas. That is
true isolationism. That is mercantilism
and protectionism. That is
not what I am talking about, and that
is not what nonintervention is.
2003 Ron Paul 111:21
Nonintervention in foreign policy means we do not impose our will on
other people, something that a lot of
very conventional politicians have
talked about for years as a matter of
fact, especially when they are campaigning.
2003 Ron Paul 111:22
I would like to quote from the memoirs of George Bush, Senior, which he
wrote, and they were published approximately
5 years ago, dealing with
Iraq and what he thought about it,
about the invasion of Iraq and why he
did not go into Iraq. This comes from A
World Transformed. This is George
Bush, Senior. He says, Trying to eliminate
Saddam would have incurred incalculable
human and political costs.
Apprehending him was probably impossible.
We would have been forced to occupy
Baghdad and, in effect, rule Iraq.
There was no viable exit strategy we
could see, violating another of our
principles. Furthermore, we had been
self-consciously trying to set a pattern
for handling aggression in the post-
Cold War period. Had we gone the invasion
route, the United States could
conceivably still be an occupying
power in a bitterly hostile land.
2003 Ron Paul 111:23
That comes from George Bush, Senior. That is not coming from me, who
has always had great concern about our
military activity. I think that is sound
thinking and sound advice, totally ignored.
2003 Ron Paul 111:24
In the campaign before the last Presidential election, our President said, If
we are an arrogant Nation, they will
resent us. If we are a humble Nation
but strong, they will believe us. If we
are a humble Nation, they will respect
us as an honorable Nation.
2003 Ron Paul 111:25
I think we have lost a little bit of our humility, to say the least, and, as of
now, I do not think that our reputation
has been enhanced, especially in the
Arab-Muslim world, and that concerns
me because it is this lack of civility between
countries and the antagonism
which leads to conflicts and hatreds
and killing and guerrilla wars which we
are fighting right now.
2003 Ron Paul 111:26
I express my concern about the way we went to war because it was a transfer
of power from the Congress by mere
vote, which circumvented the Constitution,
rather than a declaration of war,
and I base my concern on the fact that
we have had a lot more trouble in the
last 50 years when we quit declaring
war and at least prior to that the wars
we declared, they came to an end.
2003 Ron Paul 111:27
Look at Korea. We did not declare war there. We went there under a U.N.
resolution. We are still there. We spent
over $1 trillion, and we are still in
conflict
with North Korea, and it is a serious
problem, and we do not trade with
them.
2003 Ron Paul 111:28
Going into Vietnam, we went once again into Vietnam without a declaration
of war. It really came to no resolution
other than the fact that we
walked away. We had to get out because
we were not winning. The determination
to win was not there because
the Vietnamese were not a threat to
our national security. Nobody was
going to declare war, but look at the
difference.
2003 Ron Paul 111:29
We are still in North Korea. That was under a U.N. resolution, and just look
at what has been achieved by leaving
Vietnam. They have become Westernized
and, to a degree, capitalized. They
are more capitalistic. We trade with
them, making the point that it is very,
very hard to impose our will and our
system of values on somebody with the
use of arms, but by the willingness of
trade and exchanges with people and
ideas, they are more likely to come in
our direction. So the difference between
the 10 terrible years in the 1960s,
as we lost 60,000 men and achieved
nothing, compared to the next decade
or two, how we have become more
friends with the Vietnamese, there is a
powerful message there if we would listen
to it and pay attention to it, but
no, since that time we have continued
to go into many areas.
2003 Ron Paul 111:30
I think this was a problem going into Iraq in 1990. It was an undeclared war.
It was a U.N. war. It did not end it. It
continued and it is still continuing
into its 15th year, and here we are still
arguing over the financing which I
think is at very early stages. How long
will we be there and how many men are
going to die and how is it going to end?
I am convinced as long as we follow
this principle of foreign interventionism
that we take it upon ourselves
to spread democracy around the world,
we are going to be running into trouble
like this.
2003 Ron Paul 111:31
James Madison early on in 1798 gave us some advice about the Presidential
power and congressional power to go to
war, but he was explaining why it was
important to keep it in the hands of
the legislative body. He says, The Constitution
supposes what the history of
all governments demonstrate, that the
executive is the branch of power most
interested in war and the most prone
to it. It has accordingly with studied
care vested the question of war in the
legislature.
2003 Ron Paul 111:32
That is what our Constitution did, but because now it has drifted from the
legislature, we allow our Presidents to
do more than they should be able to do,
and then we allow them to incorporate
this into United Nations mandates. It
means that the people have lost their
control.
2003 Ron Paul 111:33
How do the people stay involved in this? In one way, they pay the bills and
the young people die. That is what is at
stake. Our economys at stake, our
young people are at stake and our freedoms
are at stake because we allow the
prerogatives that were explicitly given
to the Congress to drift away and get
into the hands of the executive branch
and into the United Nations. We do not
declare war. We do not win them. They
persist, they last a long time, and this
is the reason why we should really and
truly talk about how do we get out of
this mess, instead of just expanding the
mess, how do we get out and restore a
policy that makes a lot more sense.
2003 Ron Paul 111:34
The famous General, General Douglas MacArthur, who knew a lot about war,
also had advice to us about how to handle
the issue of war, and he said, The
powers in charge keep us in a perpetual
state of fear, keep us in a conscious
stampede of patriotic fervor, with a cry
of grave national emergency. Always
there has been some terrible evil to
gobble us up if we did not blindly rally
behind it by furnishing the exorbitant
sums demanded. Yet, in retrospect,
these disasters seem never to have happened,
seem never to have been quite
real.
2003 Ron Paul 111:35
Here is a man who knew about World War I, World War II and Korea, and he
was suggesting that they were overblown.
2003 Ron Paul 111:36
One thing that we did not talk about in the debate of the $87 billion was a
$600 million appropriation. It is not
written in there explicitly, but there is
a $9.3 billion authority to transfer
funds over into the Pentagon and more
or less having a slush fund to spend
just about any way they want without
any significant congressional oversight,
but the $600 million has been
asked for and will be achieved through
this appropriation to continue the
search for weapons of mass destruction.
They have spent $300 million for
six months, with 1,200 individuals
combing the entire country of Iraq, and
nothing has been found. So typically,
American style, modern America, that
is, double the amount of money, double
the number of people and keep searching,
because something will be found.
2003 Ron Paul 111:37
My answer is, what if you do find something? What does it prove? Does it
prove that he was a threat to our national
security? No way. Does it prove
that it was a relationship to Iraq and 9/
11? No way. So this obsession is for saving
face and nothing more. If there was
a major nuclear or chemical weapon
available that was about to be unleashed
against us, it would have surely
been found by now, but that was not
debated, but I am sure that search will
go on, and when something is found,
and I put that in quotes, there will be
a lot of questions asked. More questions
will be asked than answers given.
2003 Ron Paul 111:38
I guess early this week we also had another vote that emphasizes my concerns,
because it again is going in the
wrong direction, and that was the vote
we had on Syria. A couple of us voted
against this. Syria is a hard country to
defend, and I am not going to defend
Syria. I am defending the Constitution,
and I am defending nonintervention,
but the Syrian resolution was more or
less the first major step in the direction
of war against Syria.
2003 Ron Paul 111:39
This is exactly what the project for a new America century wants. Syria is
on their list and the sanctions put on
Syria are essentially a prelude to war
because that country, as part of the
axis of evil, we have to get rid of that
regime and they are helping the Iraqis
so, therefore, war is coming, and I just
cannot see how the average American
is sitting around worrying about the
Syrians, but they said the Syrians,
there may be some people going back
and forth from Syria and participating
in the guerrilla war in Iraq, which may
well be true, but then again, what
about other borders?
2003 Ron Paul 111:40
There is a border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistans on our
side, Afghanistan is half and half, but
right on that border is Osama bin
Laden most likely.
2003 Ron Paul 111:41
And he is probably in Pakistan. So do we decide that we have to go after
Pakistan? No, we recognize that the
borders are uncontrollable.
2003 Ron Paul 111:42
Here we are putting sanctions on Syria because we do not like the way
they are handling their borders, but
there are a lot of people in this country
who would like to see us do a better job
with our own borders. We do not have
control of our own borders, yet here we
are putting on sanctions and initiating
another step towards war against Syria
because we are not satisfied with what
they are doing.
2003 Ron Paul 111:43
We cannot achieve some of these goals that we have set for ourselves
through force. We have what comes
close to an obsession with democracy.
You hear it constantly. We are over in
Iraq because we are going to make it a
democracy. Well, democratic elections
are the way we all get here; but this
obsession with democracy, well, democracy
means there is a ruling of the
majority. But what if the majority
does not support freedom?
2003 Ron Paul 111:44
I would like to see a time come to this place where we talk a lot less
about democracy and more about liberty.
Liberty is where the minority is
protected. Under democracy, the majority
is protected, and they can obliterate
the minority. And this, in a
sense, is what we keep talking about.
But let us say they do not want democracy.
Are we going to force it upon
them? It looks like that is our goal;
that we will, by gosh, force them into
it if we have to.
2003 Ron Paul 111:45
I have come to the conclusion that you cannot achieve this through the
force of arms and that if you are participating
in an unwelcome occupation,
you cannot change a culture, you cannot
change religious values, you cannot
change a legal system. We would
not accept the Chinese trying to tell us
to live like the Chinese; and we are just
as strange and different in Iraq as the
Chinese would be here. So even with
this grand motivation, it is a lost
cause; and the sooner we own up to it,
the better.
2003 Ron Paul 111:46
If we want Iraq and other countries to act more like we do, it can be done;
and that should be a goal. But there is
a difference. There are two different
ways we can do it. One, we can force
people to do things and the other way
is we can try to talk them into doing it
in a voluntary fashion. If we did an exceptionally
good job and we had a truly
prosperous economy, which I believe a
free market would achieve, which we
do not have, where the greatest number
of people would have the greatest
benefits, truly set an example, have
democratic elections but obey a constitution
that is designed to protect
liberty and protect minorities, if we set
an example, then I sincerely believe
others then would be more inclined to
emulate us and to see us as an example.
2003 Ron Paul 111:47
In a way, what happened in Vietnam, the achievement there without the
Army was far better than the losses
that occurred when we were trying to
use force. But I just am worried about
what is happening. I am worried about
the expenditures. I am worried that the
guerilla war is going to spread. I am
concerned because I believe so sincerely
that our policy of foreign intervention
serves more to incite terrorists
against our country than we will calm
down by our being over there.
2003 Ron Paul 111:48
I am convinced that these articles that now appear in the media about the
al Qaeda now having an easier time recruiting,
I believe those stories. I believe
them. Whether it is right or
wrong, I do not want to get into that
issue, but I believe they are true. And
that is a practical reason why nonintervention
is so much better than
intervention. Intervention leads to
trouble, and it leads to expenditures. It
leads to debt.
2003 Ron Paul 111:49
It is such a grand idea that the Founding Fathers gave us about nonintervention
and nonentangling alliances.
It will do more to serve the
cause of peace and prosperity than any
other single change of any policy we
could have here in this Congress.
2003 Ron Paul 111:50
I am a little bit encouraged, though, about the fact that the debate may be
shifting. In the Congress, not yet. Not
yet. There are not too many supporters,
and I know that, for nonintervention,
for a constitutional foreign
policy, to looking to the Founders.
It is considered old-fashioned, and
that truths do not stay so static, and
times are different, and we have this
obligation, and all the reasons why we
have this moral obligation to go about
the world. But where I am encouraged
is outside of this place, where the
American people are getting concerned.
2003 Ron Paul 111:51
I would bet if we had a referendum in this country today with this $87 billion,
I will tell you where I think that vote
would have come down. I bet the American
people would not have voted for it.
I am convinced of that. But just yesterday,
there was an announcement of a
group that has organized that I find
very fascinating and very encouraging.
This group is called Coalition for a Realistic
Foreign Policy.
2003 Ron Paul 111:52
I have a copy of their statement of principles. More than 100 individuals
are involved, mostly professors and
other academicians and think-tank
people. I do not know if there are any
politicians in there. Hopefully, no politicians
will be involved. But this is important.
This is important because
they want to get together and try to
change the tone and the nature of the
debate. Now, are they liberals or are
they conservatives? Are they libertarian
or are they constitutionalists?
All of them. It is a mixture. They do
not want just the liberal flavor or just
the right-wing conservative flavor. It is
anybody who is willing to sit down and
talk about the disadvantage, the practical
disadvantage of this road to empire
and why we come up on the short
end and that this moral obligation of
us policing the world really is not a
wise idea.
2003 Ron Paul 111:53
I want to read a little bit from their statement of principles. It says: We
are a diverse group of scholars and analysts
from across the political spectrum
who believe that the move toward
empire must be halted immediately.
The need for a change in direction is
particularly urgent because imperial
policies can quickly gain momentum
with new interventions begetting new
dangers, and thus the demand for further
actions. If current trends are allowed
to continue, we may well end up
with an empire that most Americans,
especially those whose sons and daughters
are or will be sent into harms
way, dont really favor.
2003 Ron Paul 111:54
The American people have not embraced
the idea of the American empire,
and they are unlikely to do so.
Since rebelling against the British Empire,
Americans have resisted the imperial
impulse, guided by the founders
frequent warnings that republic and
empire are incompatible. Empire is
problematic because it subverts the
freedoms and liberties of freedoms at
home while simultaneously thwarting
the will of the people abroad. An imperial
strategy threatens to entangle
America in an assortment of unnecessary
and unrewarding wars.
2003 Ron Paul 111:55
There are ominous signs that the strategy of empire has already begun
to erode our fundamental rights and
liberties. More and more power is being
claimed by the executive branch. And
on the economic front,
which is important
in my argument,
on the economic
front, an imperial strategy
threatens to weaken us as a Nation,
overextending and bleeding the economy
and straining our military and
Federal budgets.
2003 Ron Paul 111:56
Further reading on from the Coalition for a Realistic Foreign Policy:
The defenders of empire assert that
the horrific acts of terrorism on September
11 demand that we assume new
financial burdens to fund an expensive
national security strategy, relax our
commitment to individual liberty at
home, and discard our respect for stated
sovereignty abroad. Nothing could
be further from the truth. Following 9–11, we should have refocused our attention
on the very threats facing us in
the 21st century. As a nation, we must
not allow the events of 9–11 to be used
as a pretext for reshaping American
foreign policy in a manner inconsistent
with our traditions and values and contrary
to our interests.
2003 Ron Paul 111:57
And that is basically a brief outline of the principles of the Coalition for a
Realistic Foreign Policy.
2003 Ron Paul 111:58
We have been told by some of our leaders that standing up for good
against evil is very hard work and it
costs a lot of money and blood, but
they have gone on to say we are willing
to pay. These are the politicians. This
has been true for thousands of years.
The politicians are always grandiose in
their goals and their schemes and their
plans for what they think is best for
the world, and they are always willing
to pay with dollars and blood.
2003 Ron Paul 111:59
But the politician never pays. Politicians here on the floor who are so anxious
to go, many of them have not
served, and many of them would not be
very anxious to be serving over there.
It is the politicians who promote the
wars that rarely serve. The only way
that anybody on this floor should ever
vote to send our troops into harms
way is they should look at it in a very
personal way. They should look at it in
the sense of what would it be like if I
would go there and I would be carrying
a rifle on the front line, or I would be
a target for some sniper. Do I want to
be there? Is it worth that? Or would I
send my son to do that, or would I send
my grandson or my granddaughter to
that type of danger?
2003 Ron Paul 111:60
It has to be personalized. Because if it is just, oh, we are willing to pay.
Where does the money come from? We
are flat-out broke. We have had the
biggest deficit ever. Our dollar is going
down on the market, and we are now
assuming more liabilities. When we
spend $87 billion in Iraq, that is literally
taken out of our economy. Imagine
how many jobs and how much improvement
on the standard of living of
Americans could occur with $87 billion,
and at the same time believe sincerely
that a policy of nonintervention would
be the best policy for peace and prosperity.
2003 Ron Paul 111:61
I do not know how anybody could reject that policy. It is fantastic. It is
the policy of free people. It is not the
policy of empire. It is not the policy of
imperialism.
2003 Ron Paul 111:62
But I am going to win this argument. Not because I am persuasive. I will win
this argument that we have gone too
far and have overextended. Sadly, I will
win this argument because we are
going to go broke. Because all great
nations who believe that they can
spread their will around the world,
they always overextend; and then it
virtually always leads to the
debasement of the currency.
2003 Ron Paul 111:63
In the old days, they deluded the metal or clipped the coins. Today, it is
more sophisticated, because we run up
the debt, we send it over to the Fed,
and they print the money. But that is
debasing the currency, and it undermines
the standard of living, already
occurring with people on fixed incomes.
So it will finally come to a
halt, just as our intervention in Vietnam
finally came to a sad halt. It did
end. But the rest will come to an end
when we can no longer afford it.
2003 Ron Paul 111:64
We should have greater faith and greater confidence in freedom. Freedom
works. And that was the message
of the Founders. That is the message of
the Constitution. But we have lost our
confidence. We have lost our way. We
cannot even have one single problem
exist throughout the country without
coming here for another law.
2003 Ron Paul 111:65
I think it is time that free people gain some confidence, believing sincerely
that we will all be better off, we
will all be more prosperous, we will all
be much freer, and we will all be much
safer. And then, when we achieve that,
then I believe other countries of the
world will have a stronger desire to
emulate us, rather than hate us.